Chapter 235: What If They Truly Possess Nuclear Weapons?

As Bush entered, Rumsfeld took a step back. Eric also slightly bowed his head and moved aside.

“It’s quite different from the photos I’ve seen. You look much younger too. Let’s head inside. No more unnecessary power struggles, Charlie.”

Bush scanned me with a smile, his friendly demeanor lifting the tense atmosphere in the corridor.

With the President of the United States speaking this openly, there was no need to hold onto pride. I stepped forward as we exited the elevator.

“It’s a pleasure to meet you, Bush.”

“My staff did all this for my sake. Please be understanding. Now, let’s go inside.”

Following Bush, who offered a formal apology, we re-entered the office.

Unlike Rumsfeld, who rushed out, Dick Cheney remained seated with the same displeased expression I had seen before.

“Dick.”

When Bush called out in a low voice, Dick Cheney rose from his seat.

“I know what you’re thinking. But manners matter. These are the people who supported me when no one thought I would win.”

Dick Cheney nodded, extending his hand toward me.

“I’m Dick Cheney.”

Ignoring his outstretched hand, I turned back to Bush.

“Bush, I want to speak with you privately.”

Cheney’s hand hovered in the air, lost. I could see his face harden from being ignored, but I paid him no mind.

“Privately?”

“Yes, I want to speak with you alone.”

“Hmm…”

Seeing Bush deep in thought, Cheney dropped his hand and shook his head.

“The President of South Korea can’t even have a private audience with Bush. Don’t talk nonsense.”

At Cheney’s firm words, Bush rubbed his chin and glanced around, a hint of hesitation escaping his lips.

“I agree with Dick. It’s not appropriate for the President of the United States to have a private meeting with an investor.”

Rumsfeld shared the same sentiment. With the consistent advice from his aides, Bush directed his gaze back to me.

“Is it really necessary for us to talk one-on-one?”

“It’s about something important. Even if you later share it with your aides, I’d like to hear your thoughts directly. Not just anyone’s opinion, but yours, Bush.”

“Hmm… Fine. Let’s do it.”

“Bush!”

Both Cheney and Rumsfeld called out to him simultaneously, but he shook his head decisively.

“The exception regarding sponsors is only for today. I am curious about this Charlie person too.”

With that, Bush led me into a specially prepared office.

Cheney and Rumsfeld kept their stern expressions but respected Bush’s strong will and did not follow us inside.

Bush’s office had only a desk, a large sofa, and a table. It was almost too simple for a space designated for the President.

“Please, take a seat.”

Naturally settling into the seat of honor, Bush crossed his legs and gestured for me to sit. As soon as I took my place, he spoke first.

“We don’t have much time. Let’s get straight to the point. Tell me why you wanted to meet privately.”

Offering no pleasantries, Bush’s direct approach prompted me to straighten up.

“I recently returned from Pyongyang.”

“I already know that. I heard you visited with President Kim Hak-gwon. And that you had a private meeting with Kim Jong-il.”

It seemed I had gained access to information only known to the President due to my election win.

Recalling what the U.S. ambassador had said when I met Jang Seong-taek in China, I figured I could not be free from their watchful gazes while making money in the U.S.

“That’s right. I had a private meeting with Kim Jong-il and received full authority to negotiate a peace treaty with the U.S. What do you think, are you willing to negotiate with the Kim Jong-il regime?”

A brief look of surprise crossed Bush’s seemingly indifferent face.

“That’s not something I expected to hear. I thought you were going to ask for help with your business endeavors.”

“The reason I supported you was purely for goodwill. I didn’t expect anything in return.”

Bush nodded, but skepticism lingered on his face.

“Well, I’ll take your word for it. But can I hear about Kim Jong-il’s conditions first?”

“He’s looking for regime preservation and economic aid. He asked for the recognition of his regime with the authority of the U.S. President.”

Adjusting his posture, Bush locked eyes with me, his gaze sharp.

“And what would he be willing to offer?”

“Complete abandonment of nuclear weapons.”

“Not just a freeze, but a full surrender?”

“Yes.”

Bush rubbed his chin, a habitual gesture.

A heavy silence fell in the office for a long moment. After some deliberation, Bush shook his head.

“There’s no benefit to entering into a peace agreement with North Korea. The numbers just don’t add up. I can’t trust Kim Jong-il either. Let’s just forget this conversation.”

After lengthy consideration, the negative response I feared finally arrived.

His gaze was already drifting toward the door.

“Even if I wanted to negotiate with North Korea, all my aides outside would strongly oppose it.”

“But if the President expresses his willingness, it can be pursued.”

Bush nodded.

“Right. It can be done. But what’s in it for me and for America? It goes against the Republican Party’s stance. There’s no reason to continue the policies of the Clinton Administration.”

Thanks to the tacit approval of the Clinton Administration, the Kim Hak-gwon government was able to foster a warm atmosphere with North Korea.

But it seemed the Bush Administration had no intention of continuing that path.

“Is there really any reason for the Republicans to maintain tension? If we keep strangling Kim Jong-il, no one knows what he might do next.”

Bush suddenly laughed loudly at my words.

“Charlie, do you really think the U.S. is afraid of a place like North Korea? We simply tolerate them because they’re necessary for the tension in East Asia.”

“What if they truly possess nuclear weapons?”

Bush shrugged nonchalantly, as if to say it made no difference.

“Nuclear weapons? What? Russia doesn’t have nuclear weapons? China doesn’t? Why do you think nuclear-armed countries are afraid of America?”

I sighed inwardly at Bush’s confident words. His aides and he himself were staunch neoconservatives.

Any glimmer of hope I had vanished completely.

“Moreover, Charlie, as a South Korean, why are you representing Kim Jong-il’s opinions? And I hear you’re friends with Putin too. You’ve been supporting me all while. What’s your true intention?”

“My true intention?”

Sharp blades lay hidden between the lines of his question. I simply smiled in response to his inquiry about my thoughts.

“I’m an investor. I’ve invested in people. I only want to be there as a friend and partner.”

“I have no intention of being your friend.”

I nodded in response to Bush’s firm tone.

“I became friends with Putin long before he seized power. That’s why we could be friends. If I were to approach him now, would it be possible to build any friendship?”

The moment power is seized, the very concept of friendship becomes illusory.

Everyone who desires to take any morsel of that sweet nectar called power will swarm around.

Because of this, it was challenging to form genuine friendships with those who already held power.

“You’ll never be friends. And I’m not asking you to include me in the fence of friendship. I’m simply asking you to take the words of someone who supported you seriously.”

“Listening to a sponsor isn’t a problem. However, I can’t accommodate the North Korean issue.”

Of course, it’s hard to achieve a peace treaty with just a few tens of millions of dollars in support.

I had anticipated this, but it seemed far more challenging than I had thought. Letting out a quiet sigh, I asked him.

“So what must Kim Jong-il promise for you to consider pursuing a peace treaty?”

“Democracy! And the introduction of a free economy. Of course, complete abandonment of nuclear weapons is fundamental.”

That was something Kim Jong-il would find unacceptable. I shook my head unconsciously.

“If I return empty-handed, Kim Jong-il will resume nuclear development.”

“See? Who would make agreements with someone who easily violates the Geneva Accords? North Korea has lost all trust.”

The atmosphere in North Korea had indeed turned chaotic due to the Geneva Accords.

Kim Jong-il, as everyone knows, was not the solid absolute ruler who held all the power of a nation.

“Kim Jong-il might actually be better. If the military seizes power instead, we might really face another war on the Korean Peninsula.”

“Are you implying there could be a coup in the North? In a place where Kim Jong-il holds the military tightly?”

“From what I witnessed in Pyongyang, it wouldn’t be surprising if a coup occurred at any moment.”

Mentioning the atmosphere of North Korea caught Bush’s attention.

“Go on, tell me more.”

“Of course, Kim Jong-il’s power is solid. However, I heard there have been several assassination attempts. Kim Jong-il himself doesn’t know if it was the military or another force behind them.”

“Such events have occurred?”

This was also information that the U.S. was unaware of.

To be fair, I wouldn’t have known either had I not heard it directly from him.

“Yes, Kim Jong-il told me directly.”

“The information I have stated that Kim Jong-il’s standing is almost reverent among the people.”

“Through long-term brainwashing-like education, they all uphold him. However, that’s the thought of the North Korean people. The high-ranking officials may think differently.”

Hoping for Bush to change his mind, I shared as much of the information I had as possible. Yet his stance remained unchanged.

“I see. This is unique information. Nonetheless, there will be no peace treaty. If you receive a promise regarding the conditions I mentioned earlier, please let me know if you have any intention of negotiating.”

“…I will do that.”

It seemed further discussions would not sway Bush’s opinion.

“Let’s stop talking about North Korea for now. That’s not why I called you in. I wanted to meet the owner of Dream High. I intended to express my gratitude for your support of James, so I’m glad you wanted to meet in person.”

Bush naturally shifted the topic, beginning to speak about my story.

“The sudden emergence of Dream High Investment was a fresh shock to both Wall Street and us. But the owner of Dream High is a businessman from Korea…”

Bush trailed off, looking at me with interest before continuing.

“But Charlie, it seems you’ve made too many enemies. I hear Eva was attacked in Japan.”

“How do you know that…? Do you happen to know the perpetrator?”

“It happened in Japan, so how could we in the U.S. not know?”

Bush spoke as if he knew whom to suspect. I adjusted myself in the seat, clasping my hands as I faced him.

“If you know who led this incident, please tell me.”

“Well, I can’t say for sure. I only received reports about the involvement of the Cabinet Intelligence Agency.”

“The Cabinet Intelligence Agency?”

Was the Japanese government involved? Recalling my conversation with Eva, I felt my face stiffen.

“I can assure you the Prime Minister of Japan is unaware of any of this.”

“The Cabinet Intelligence Agency is a direct agency that only receives orders from the Prime Minister. But you say the Prime Minister doesn’t know?”

“Yes, I spoke with the Prime Minister yesterday.”

Having spoken with the Prime Minister directly and heard the details, it seemed plausible. If the Prime Minister wasn’t lying, that is.

“Then just who could it be?”

“I can’t say for sure. One of the Deputy Directors of the Intelligence Agency who was involved has disappeared. They might be attempting to cover their tracks.”

The Deputy Director of the Cabinet Intelligence Agency had disappeared. Gaining unexpected information left me feeling muddled.

And I still hadn’t resolved the North Korean issue. It was a mountain over another mountain.

“What’s the Japanese government’s stance on this?”

“They’d prefer for this to quietly slip away.”

“That’s absolutely unacceptable.”

Bush chuckled, seemingly amused by my response.

“So what’s your plan then? Do you intend to confront the Japanese government? Charlie, you’re just a private citizen, after all.”

“If needed, I will confront them.”

Bush raised his eyebrows and laughed heartily, his face filled with interest. His reaction began to irritate me.

“Please maintain your manners, Bush.”

“I apologize if I offended you. I just find you amusing. The idea of a private citizen challenging the Japanese government is quite entertaining.”

“I won’t do this twice. I’ll take my leave now.”

This was not behavior expected from a president. Upset beyond measure, I decided to end my meeting with Bush.

As I turned to leave, a chilling voice called out from behind.

“The President of South Korea wouldn’t behave like this in front of me. Our conversation isn’t over. Please sit down.”

Turning back, I saw Bush’s smile had vanished.

“I’m not someone you can handle as easily as Clinton. I called you in to give you a warning in return for your sponsorship.”

The word ‘warning’ reminded me of someone, and I focused my gaze on him. I recalled hearing such words recently.

“A warning?”

“Don’t act against our interests.”

With those words, a heavy silence fell in the office. Bush and I glared at each other without breaking eye contact.